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This tag is for all posts relating to the Future of Regions.

Monitoring regionalisation has always been one of AER's main missions and objectives. Keeping track of the developments in all European countries, in terms of decentralisation, subsidiarity, regional democracy and key to understanding where European regionalisation comes from, and where we are heading.

The section below brings together articles, interviews, publications from members and experts across Europe to keep track of the State of the Regions in Europe.

Why regional competences should not be abolished

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The government’s proposals regarding “new regions” in Croatia should undergo a democratic debate: Why regional competences should not be abolished.

By Prof. Damir Magaš, PhD University of Zadar (HR)
Apri 2014

Since the contemporary regionalisation of Croatia in 1993, the 21 existing
administrative-territorial units or counties (also called “županija” in Croatian) –
including the City of Zagreb – form the basis of the current regional system.
There is actually no intermediary body between the central government and the
counties which have significant powers regarding self-government and even
possess an important part of state authority, especially in state administration
offices which are immediately under the national level. At the beginning of 2014,
seventeen of these units already were members of the AER. A dozen of them
also developed significant relations concerning regional cooperation with other
regions or EU bodies. The Croatian Bureau of Statistics considers these units
should be classified as EU NUTS 3 regions – even though only half of them have
between 150,000 and 800,000 inhabitants –, as well as significant main cities
(such as Zagreb, Split, Rijeka, Osijek, Zadar, Slavonski Brod, Pula, Varaždin
etc.).

This situation clearly represents a contrast with the Socialist era (between
1962 and 1991) during which a centralised development with nine formal units
and with four strong urban centres divided up into four (macro) regions (Central,
South, West and East Croatia) was encouraged.

The new regionalisation process that has been implemented since 1993
has been conceived as a revival of the system of autochthonous units that
existed in ancient times like the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy or the Kingdom of
Yugoslavia and federal Yugoslavia. The basic purpose of this process is the
revival of peripheral, traffic isolated, economically disadvantaged units as well as
the resurgence of a decentralised, non-concentrated, dispersed, comprehensive
and networked development.

However, the initial intention of balanced development has only been
partially achieved. As a matter of fact, the concentration of the majority of
national goods (approximately 65%) in the metropolis, Zagreb, is contrary to the
original aspirations and indicates that the idea of a decentralised system has
been circumvented. This means that, in reality, central authorities have
exaggerated competences, contributing to the concentration of power, goods and
all values constituting the country’s capital.

So, despite the administrative-territorial regionalisation of the 21 counties
and the proclaimed power devolution, polarisation process went on in Croatia
without serious implementation of a balanced polycentric development option.
Instead of seriously considering the causes of a too strong centralisation,
the intention to reduce the number of counties and municipalities has been
promoted during the past few years. One of the main reasons why this has been
driven is the critical economic situation: It has indeed often been pointed out that
some of the existing territorial units are not effective and should be abolished.
However, there are also obvious political and (geo-)strategic elements
encouraging the decrease of the number of regions and of centres of influence.
In an accentuated extent, this reminds of the administrative and territorial
centralistic model implemented during the communist era.

The current Croatian government has been trying to change existing laws
in order to reorganise the competences regions (or counties) currently have for
the past two years with no public consensus and by using insufficient and
unfunded explanations. Various functions or powers are now planned to be
concentrated in the hands of 4 or 5 cities only. These cities would thus become
the centres of the new, larger spatial regions, according to the old socialist
territorial system. In this regard, 15 of the current regions, also AER members,
would lose their authority along with their regional status and become what could
be named “sub-regions”.

Some of the normative texts the government is trying to implement or
modify have been of great significance: Particularly important are the “Proposal
of Change and Modification of the Law on State Administration” (January 2014)
as well as the “Draft Proposal of the Law on Regional Development” (November
2013).

The first text aims at creating five regions (designated by numbers: I, II, III,
IV, V), just like the second one (1 NW Croatia, 2 Central Croatia, 3 Eastern
Croatia, 4 Northern Adriatic, 5 Central and Southern Adriatic). Other proposals
promote a similar regional scheme, such as the “National Development Plan of
clinical centres, university hospitals, clinics and general hospitals in Croatia
2014-2016”. This one provides the creation of four regions only: Central and
Northern Region, Western Region, Southern Region and Eastern Region.
If some of the existing regions were not sufficiently affirmed, “too small” or
economically too weak, the government should expound criteria that would be an
explanation to the need to reduce their number. Instead of radically (“from an
extreme to another”) take regional competences away from many of them, it
would be necessary to define new models (when truly needed) which would take
into account the existing, well-established, successful regions. This applies more
specifically to Zadar (North Dalmatia and Lika regions) and Slavonski Brod (West
Slavonia), as well as to Pula (Istria), which are the major regional centres after
Zagreb, Split, Rijeka and Osijek (amongst others).

Instead of trying to find the best way to adjust to EU criteria that define
regions (such as NUTS 3 regions for instance) and thus keep a reasonable
number of regional complexes already existing in Croatia – probably somewhere
between 8 and 10 (or even 12), which would be diametrically opposed to the
“from an extreme to another” method –, the new scheme of five state offices –
and of five de facto new regions (new counties or macro-counties) – has already
been outlined. The “Proposal of Change and Modification of the Law on State
Administration” (January 2014) is, in this regard, contradictory: It “deconcentrates”
by concentration, i.e. by removing competences from at least 15
county governments. It therefore does not respect the EU principles regarding
(NUTS) regionalisation: It is unsystematic, unscientifically conceived and gives
no guarantee of improving the current situation in any way.

Finally, what must be stressed as a conclusion is the fact that the
extremely significant reduction of the number of regions in Croatia (from 21 to 4
or 5) would significantly worsen the conditions of development and potentials of
most of today’s regions (counties areas). Despite all, if it remained necessary to
reduce the number of regions, then it would be necessary to find a reasonable
solution which should result from a broad democratic debate, a scientific
approach respecting geographic, economic, transportation and other features in
favour of the development of the existing Croatian regions. This includes general
consensus and means that the current majority of the Parliament should stop
taking hasty, radical and unfunded decisions. Otherwise, the new regionalisation
and territorial reorganisation would once again favour the polarisation of
significant parts of the Croatian territory on the one hand, and the
“peripherisation” on the other hand. This deterioration would particularly affect
regional entities with prominent centres such as Zadar (fifth city in Croatia with an
urban agglomeration of 125,000 inhabitants), Slavonski Brod (100,000
inhabitants) etc. So, the government’s proposals regarding “new regions” in
Croatia should be the matter of a wide, democratic, as well as multidisciplinary
debate. The abolition of regional competences – at the exception of 4 or 5 cities
– should not happen!

Disclaimer: The view presented in this paper reflects the position of his writer and
does not engage AER as an organisation.

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Charter for Multilevel Governance in Europe

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What is the Charter for Multilevel Governance?

Adopted by the CoR on 3 April 214 and supported by the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe, the Charter is a political manifesto from European cities and regions inviting all public authorities to make “multilevel governance” a reality in day-to-day policy-making and delivery. This primarily involves working in partnership between the different levels of government (local, regional, national and European) and applying a set of principles that should guide efficient policy-making, such asparticipation, cooperation, openness, transparency, inclusiveness and policy coherence, all of which are essential conditions to guarantee the success of public policies in the interest of the citizens.

Although not legally binding, the Charter will commit its signatories to use multilevel governance in the management of public policies, to launch projects in partnership with both the public and private sectors, to further develop territorial cooperation and to modernise their administration. This is all part of the CoRs’ commitment to ensuring a good application of “subsidiarity”, which places decisions at the most effective level and as close to citizens as possible.

Who can sign?

Signature of the Charter is open to all European Union local and regional authorities, i.e. city, county, district, metropolitan area, province, region, etc.

European and national associations of local and regional authorities, as well as local and regional authority networks, are also invited to give their formal support. Politicians at all levels of governance can give their support by signing the Charter.

Read the full resolution (edit this)

 

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Regional Cooperation in the European Union

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Michele Vellano is a professor in International and European law for the Department of Economic and Political Sciences at the University of Valle d’Aosta (Italy). He is director of the Inter-University Centre dedicated to International Economic Organisations law (Centro interuniversitario sul diritto delle organizzazioni internazionali economiche). He is a member of the AER Academic Centre for regionalisation.

His last publication, “La Cooperazione Regionale nell’Unione Europea” (Regional Cooperation in the European Union – see picture below), deals with various topics such as existing agreements fostering regional cooperation, social and economic cohesion (with a special focus on the new programming period of the European Union, 2014-2020), EGTC as a model for territorial cooperation, cross-border cooperation with a focus on the Italian case – amongst others.

 

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Local‐government 
reform 
in
 Georgia

By

Adriana
 Skorupska
Polish
 Institute
 of
 International
 Affairs

Georgia, 2013

An
 effective
 decentralisation
 of
 power
 is
 a
 crucial
 factor
 if
 the
 state
 wants
 to
 have
 a successful
 democratization.
 On
 June
 15,
 Georgians
 went
 to
 the
 polls
 to
 elect
 their
 local‐ government
 representatives
 on
 new
 rules.
 Although 
local
 self‐government 
reform 
has
 not
 yet addressed
 the
 crucial
issue
 of
 a 
financial 
system 
for 
local
 authorities,
 it 
is 
a
 step 
in
 the
 right direction
 and
 Georgia
 is
 becoming
 a
 leader
 in
 the
 decentralization
 process
 among
 the
 Eastern
 Partnership 
Countries.

First
 step 
in
 the
 decentralization
 process.
 In 
autumn
 2012,
 one
 of
 Georgian
 Dream
 (GD)’s
 campaign
 issues
 was
 building
 local
 democracy.
 Support
 for
 local
 government
 reform
 was
 achieved 
both
 from 
within,
 on
 the 
part 
of
 Georgian
 NGOs,
 and 
through 
externa l
donors.
 In
 March
 2013,
 a
 government
 decree
 stating
 the
 main
 objectives
 of
 
 the
 reform
 was
 announced.
 The
 democratisation
 of
 the
 system
 of
 public
 management
 and
 greater
 participation 
of 

local
 communities 
in
 public 
life
 were 
indicated 
as 
the 
primary
 objectives
 of
 the
 planned
 changes.
 The
 legislative
 changes
 introduced
 in
 recent
 months
 began
 the
 first
 phase
 of
 reform,
 which 
in 
the
 long
run 
aims 
to 
decentralise 
the 
Georgian 
political 
system.

In
 February,
 parliament
 adopted
 a
 law
 on
 the
 reform
 of
 local
 government,
 and
 then
 in
 March 
new
 regulations
 were
 passed,
concerning 
the 
electoral
 system 
(electoral
 thresholds,
 the
 number
 of
 members
 of
 local
 councils,
 mayors,
 and
 dismissal
 procedures
 for
 removing
 mayors).
 At
 the
 current
 stage,
 the
 reform
 expands
 the
 number
 of
 cities
 with
 the
 status
 of
 local
 government,
 where
 residents elect 
the 
mayor 
directly, to 
12. 
Previously,
 only
residents
 of
 Tbilisi
 had
 the
 opportunity
 to
 elect
 the
 mayor
 of
 the
 city
 directly.
 Moreover,
 now
 the
 Georgians 
could 
choose,
 in 
addition 
to 
the 
members
 of 
local
 councils 
(as 
it
 was
 before)
 the
 chairpersons
 of 
59
 municipalities
 (outside
 the
 12 
major
 cities).
 This 
phase 
of
 reforms
focused
 on
 preparation 
to 
carry
 out
 the 
local
 elections
 in
 accordance
 with 
the 
new 
regulations, 
but 
did
 not 
consider 
delegation 
of 
duties 
and 
financial 
powers 
to
 the
 local
 government.
 These
 are
 essential
 elements
 of
 the
 system
 leading
 to
 real
 decentralisation.
 These
 regulations 
are
 to 
be 
introduced
 by
 the 
end
of
 this
 year,
 as 
part
 of
 another 
block
 of
 changes
 regulating
 duties 
and
 powers
 of
 local 
governments.
Continuation
 of
 the
 
 decentralisation
 policies
 will
 be
 a
 test
 of
 GD’s
 genuine 
reformist
 intentions. 
In
 the
 coalition,
 there
 are 
both 
supporters
 of 
the
 far‐reaching 
decentralisation 
of 
the
s tate, 
as
 well
 as
 more
conservative
 politicians,
 wary
 of 
too 
radical
 reforms.

Next 
steps. The
 changes
 were
 made
 possible
 thanks 
to 
the
 political
 will
 of
 the
 current
 ruling
 coalition.
 Now,
 however,
 it
 is
 important
 that
 this
 is
 supported
 by
 a
 good
 conceptual
 and
 organisational
 preparation
 of
 the
 next
 stage
 of
 reform.
 Failure
 to
 change
 regulations
 in
 matters
 of
 the
 competences
 and
 finances
 of
 local
 government
 may
 result
 in
 a
 loss
 of
 support,
 both
 from
 the
 public,
 and
 from
 external
 donors.
 The
 existing
 assistance
 of
 international
 institutions
 and
 experts
 from
 other
 countries
 was
 too
 dispersed.
 Better
 coordinated
 external
 expert
 help
 will
 facilitate
 work
 on
 new
 regulations
 and
 their
 implementation.
 In
 subsequent
 actions,
 more
 importance
 should
 be
 attached
 to
 the
 public
 debate.
 On
 the
 one
hand,
 local
 communities should
 be
 encouraged
 to
 discuss
 new
 solutions,
 while 
on
 the
 other,
 the
 idea
 of
 self‐government
 must
 also
 be promoted.
 Communities
 of
 post‐Soviet
 countries
 are
 accustomed
 to
 centralism,
 and
 people
 believe
 that
 the
 only effective
 and
 decisive
 vote
 could
 come 
from 
the 
state
capital.
 The 
government
 could
 become 
the
 initiator
 and coordinator
 of
 the
 campaign,
 with
 the
 aim
 of
 convincing
 society
 that
 decentralisation
 does
 not
 mean 
separatism,
 but 
is a
 way
 to 
increase
 the 
efficiency 
of
 public
 services
 provided
 by
 local
 authorities.
 A
 well‐functioning
 local 
government
 is also
 one 
of
 the
conditions
 for
 the
 development
 of
 entrepreneurship
 in
 the
 country.
 NGOs
 and
 local
 public
 opinion leaders
 should
 be
 invited
 to
 promote
 the
 idea
 of
 local
 government.
 In
 addition
 to
 meetings
 and
 lectures,
 both
 very important
 in
 promotional
 activities,
 the
 public
 media,
 especially
 television,
 should
 be 
engaged.

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Subsidiarity Annual Report 2013

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Together with its partners of the Subsidiarity Monitoring Network (SMN), the Committee of the Regions summarises all its subsidiarity-related activities of one year in a Subsidiarity Annual Report. 

Read full report (edit this)

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“Regions at a glance” by OECD

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Regions at a Glance 2013 shows how regions and cities contribute to national growth and the well-being of societies. It updates its regular set of region-by-region indicators, examining a wide range of policies and trends and identifying those regions that are outperforming or lagging behind in their country. The report covers all 34 OECD member countries, and, where data are available, Brazil, China, Colombia, India, the Russian Federation and South Africa.

More information

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Poland and Romania implementing the cohesion policy: A comparative study

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Anita Sobják, analyst at the Polish Institute of International Affairs and former AER intern, wrote her MA Thesis about the implementation of EU cohesion policy in Romania and in Poland, focusing on comparative aspects.

Her thesis puts the emphasis on the processes of europeanisation and on the concept of multilevel governance, stressing then the way cohesion policy functions in Poland and Romania, and the concrete obstacles encoutered by the countries under study at the political and conjunctural levels among others.

Read the full thesis (edit this)

 

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Briefing note: A Resource efficient Europe under the Europe 2020 Strategy

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Briefing note published by AER for the Summer Academy in Nyköping, Södermanland (S) (18 – 23 August 2013)

Energy, natural resources and environment have been present in a political discourse for a while now and local, national and international authorities have been mobilised to undertake actions addressing sustainability, energy efficiency and environmental challenges. The current European ten-years strategy “Europe 2020” about smart, sustainable and inclusive growth embraces the questions mentioned above. The strategy also includes seven ‘flagship initiatives’ providing a framework through which the EU and national authorities mutually reinforce their efforts in areas supporting the Europe 2020 priorities.

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Simplification of governance and a legal framework are needed!

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Only a few days after Albanian national elections, the AER, together with the region of Kukes, gathered Presidents of Albanian regions as well as European stakeholders, representatives of NGOs and experts to tackle the issue of the future competences of the Albanian regions. The Albanian associations representing local authorities, the Communes – Counties – Local autonomies – Municipalities – were also present. This event was meant to open an in depth discussion about governance challenges and the country’s future territorial organisation.

Although regions are quite recent – they were set up in 2000 – time has come to assess the current administrative structure and find out how governance could be improved in Albania. Regionalisation is, indeed, a lively process! Among the outcome of the discussion was the need of clearly defining the competences of the various administrative levels: prefectures, regions and the different local levels. Participants agreed that a first constructive step forward to increase the dialogue between all existing associations would be the setting up of a common association gathering all local and regional authorities, which would both promote the reinforcement of the regions and improve the cooperation between all levels. Mr Ibsen Elezi, President of Kukes region: “We call the new government to implement a bold national strategy on regional development. This strategy has remained at a theoretical stage until now. If we want to exist at European level, our country absolutely needs to turn this strategy into a reality now.”

Concerning regional administrations in Albania, it is unanimously recognised that until now, Qarks (regions) lack capacities to fulfil their tasks in the fields of economic development, social care, professional trainings, environment and tourism. Participants unanimously agreed that, beside the necessity for the regions to get more competences and their own budget, there is a real need for a legal framework. The AER President, Mrs Hande Özsan Bozatli, warned that “If you want to fit in the European Union strategy, it is essential that you all sit around the table and find a consensus to set up a clear repartition of competences. The regional level must also gain more capacities in order to be able to obtain EU funds.”

As it has done many times in the past for other countries wishing to organize a new administrative structure and access the European Union, AER makes its expertise and experience available to all Albanian regions in the process of regionalization. AER helps them to gain access to EU programs and to benefit from EU funds, crucial tools for the development of territories.

Albanian regions members of AER: Berat, Dibër, Durrës, Elbasan, Fier, Gjirokastër, Kukës, Lezhë, Shkodër, Tiranë, Vlore

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“State of play of regionalism in Albania: simplification of governance and a legal framework are needed!” says AER

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Kukes (AL), 5 July 2013

Only a few days after Albanian national elections, the Assembly of European Regions (AER), together with the region of Kukes, gathered Presidents of Albanian regions as well as European stakeholders, representatives of NGOs and experts to tackle the issue of the future competences of the Albanian regions. The Albanian associations representing local authorities, the Communes – Counties – Local autonomies – Municipalities – were also present. This event was meant to open an in depth discussion about governance challenges and the country’s future territorial organisation.

Although regions are quite recent – they were set up in 2000 – time has come to assess the current administrative structure and find out how governance could be improved in Albania. Regionalisation is, indeed, a lively process! Among the outcome of the discussion was the need of clearly defining the competences of the various administrative levels: prefectures, regions and the different local levels. Participants agreed that a first constructive step forward to increase the dialogue between all existing associations would be the setting up of a common association gathering all local and regional authorities, which would both promote the reinforcement of the regions and improve the cooperation between all levels. Mr Ibsen Elezi, President of Kukes region: “We call the new government to implement a bold national strategy on regional development. This strategy has remained at a theoretical stage until now. If we want to exist at European level, our country absolutely needs to turn this strategy into a reality now.”

Concerning regional administrations in Albania, it is unanimously recognised that until now, Qarks (regions) lack capacities to fulfil their tasks in the fields of economic development, social care, professional trainings, environment and tourism. Participants unanimously agreed that, beside the necessity for the regions to get more competences and their own budget, there is a real need for a legal framework. The AER President, Dr Hande Özsan Bozatli, warned that “If you want to fit in the European Union strategy, it is essential that you all sit around the table and find a consensus to set up a clear repartition of competences. The regional level must also gain more capacities in order to be able to obtain EU funds.”

As it has done many times in the past for other countries wishing to organize a new administrative structure and access the European Union, AER makes its expertise and experience available to all Albanian regions in the process of regionalization. AER helps them to gain access to EU programs and to benefit from EU funds, crucial tools for the development of territories.

Albanian regions members of AER: Berat, Dibër, Durrës, Elbasan, Fier, Gjirokastër, Kukës, Lezhë, Shkodër, Tiranë, Vlore

The Assembly of European Regions (AER – aer.eu) is the largest independent network of regions in wider Europe. Bringing together 250 regions from 35 countries and 16 interregional organisations, AER is the political voice of its members and a forum for interregional co-operation.

For more information: [email protected]

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10 recommendations for the Regions to overcome the crisis

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Paris, Île de France (F), 16 May 2013

The Assembly of European (AER) has gathered today in Paris 250 European, national and regional decision makers as well as representatives from the business and banking sector, in the presence of Janusz Lewandowski, European Commissioner for financial programming and Budget, Jean-Paul Huchon, President of the Ile-de-France Regional Council (F) and Laurent FABIUS, French Minister for Foreign Affairs.

AER President Michèle Sabban’s message : “Confronted with the crisis, which is affecting Europe, regions must take their place as a true driving force, bringing up proposals. Their current difficulties should not prevent them from fully exploiting their strengths and potential. We have to keep in mind that the majority of the European laws are implemented at local and regional level and the budget for regional policies represents the European Union second budgetary position (35% of the EU budget). That is why we have made today 10 firm recommendations in order to initiate new public policies and mobilise their territories. We just gave out personally our recommendations to Commissioner Lewandowski and Minister Fabius, and the AER will now bring this message and commitments to the EU Institutions as well as to all member States!”.
1. Future-oriented sectors, a key for the regional economic revival

  • Set up a region-by-region diagnosis and identify the potentials to develop in every future-oriented sector: green economy, e-health, the new silver economy and the creative, cultural and tourist industries. With this purpose, AER is providing regions with its regional peer review methodology;
  • Place itself at the heart of the implementation of European solutions, using instruments such as the smart specialisation strategy or new instruments of the 2020 strategy in order to boost their tangible and effective enforcement;
  • Support SMEs in their international development by providing them with a considerable network and relevant knowledge of European financial assistance and programs assigned to them.

2. Moving towards the youth: European mobility and future jobs

  • Multiply the number of the AER Eurodyssée program recipients. Eurodyssée is a pioneer program for professional mobility, for young graduate job seekers;
  • Develop special jobs destined for young professionals in the future-oriented sectors in line with regional economic strategies.

3. Release the creative potential of our regions, including the potential of entrepreneurship

  • Simplify the administrative steps for setting up a company and assist new enterprises throughout the business start-up process;
  • Stimulate entrepreneurship not only in schools but also in unemployment centres;
  • Develop micro-credits.

4. Assure a more sustainable financing for our local and regional economy:

  • Develop new banking tools in partnership with regions in order to help them to adapt to their needs
  • Assist enterprises with the help of European Union financial tools and its structural funds;
  • Support solidarity and social economy.

5. Give every one a chance: the regions as engines of inclusion:

  • The regions must implement in their area of influence equality measures between women and men;
  • Anti-discrimination campaigns;
  • Work in networks with social partners and chambers of commerce to encourage the access to the labour market for the most discriminated parts of society, such as migrants, long-term unemployed or low-skilled young people.

6. Regaining the Citizens’ Trust:

  • Have an exemplary administration and behaviour on regional level;
  • Maintain and reinforce the equalisation and regional solidarity systems among states;
  • Promote an European regional policy which benefits everyone.

7. Restore Europe’ image in the eyes of its citizens

  • Make the general public known the tangible and positive impact of EU actions (programs destined to the citizens, structural funds…) and AER actions (interregional cooperation, good practices exchanges…), through information events and campaigns, such as the citizen forums and the summer universities.

8. Making partnership and multilevel governance a reality:

  • Make regions become a privileged European Union partner;
  • Promote a regional governing guideline, allowing regions and local communities in general, to directly manage their development policies.

9. Acting internationally:

  • The AER is a network model of regions for all the five continents. It must accompany the implementation of sister organisations in the whole world to enable exchanges about global issues; fight against climate change and economic cooperation…;
  • “Think globally, act locally”: a world regions’ summit will be prepared in 2014.

10. Put the AER into the heart of European regional policies’ harmonisation and coordination

  • Strengthen the AER programs, specially the [email protected] methodology, widely acclaimed in its origins on rural subjects, which could be used by regions from now on to transfer their policies and innovation projects;
  • Build together the united regions of Europe.

The Assembly of European Regions (AER – aer.eu) is the largest independent network of regions in wider Europe. Bringing together 250 regions from 35 countries and 16 interregional organisations, AER is the political voice of its members and a forum for interregional co-operation.

For more information: [email protected]

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Briefing note on local government in the Ukraine

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Table of contents:

  • Ukraine – historical background
  • Attempts of decentralisation in Ukraine
  • Local and regional government in Ukraine – legal basis
  • Local and regional government in Ukraine – overview
  • Current issues for local and regional government in Ukraine
  • International support for decentralisation in Eastern Partnership countries

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Regionalisation and democracy

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On 10 October AER has organised, in cooperation with the Congress of the Council of Europe and the Alsace Region, a Conference on “Regionalisation and Democracy.” Nearly 200 people attended the debate, which was held during the 1st World Forum on Democracy. The AER was represented by its President, Michèle Sabban, while the President of Commission 3, Dr Hande Özsan Bozatli, accompanied her by testifying from the experiences of Turkey. Among the guests of honour there was Kim JAE Hyo, Secretary General of the Association of Regional Governments of North-East Asia (NEAR) and Jameleddine Gharbi, Tunisian Minister of Regional Development and Planning. The debate was an opportunity to compare and exchange ideas thus leading to the common conclusion that regionalisation, by bringing the decision-making processes closer to individuals and by taking into account specific features, becomes a key factor in political stability and a pillar for a vibrant democracy.

Opening Speech of AER President (available in French only)
Press Release from the event

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Contribution to the Commission’s “Common Strategic Framework 2014-2020”

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Cohesion policy is the European Union policy conceived for and applied by the regions, geared towards achieving an economic, social, and regional cohesion in Europe, thanks of course to this policy, but also to financial tools called structural funds, to be extended over a period of 7 years.

The debates and negotiations concerning the upcoming 2014-2020 period are in full swing since the publication, in June 2011, of the proposal for a multi-annual financial framework and, in October 2011, of the draft regulations determining the rules that will reign over cohesion policy. These regulations included common provisions for 5 principal funds: ERDF, ESF, Cohesion Fund, EARDF and EMFF. The general objective of the regulation is to create the conditions for an integrated use of the 5 aforementioned funds such that the common objectives derived from the Europe 2020 Strategy are reached.

The Common Strategic Framework (CSF) translates the objectives of the Europe 2020 Strategy into possible actions for the 5 funds, which will thus be “matricized” and integrated into a common strategy. An initial working document exposing the contents of the Common Strategic Strategy was published by the European Commission on 14 March 2012.

The Assembly of European Regions hopes to contribute to the debate on the Common Strategic Framework. Our recommendations are founded in 25 years of work experience, follow-up, and dialogue on the European policies most crucial to the regions and for economic, social, and territorial development within the European Union.

The ARE would like to thank, in particular, the regions that brought their support and
ideas during the writing of this document :

  • Bekes (H)
  • Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén (H)
  • Bruxelles-Capitale (B)
  • Ile-de-France (F)
  • Languedoc-Roussillon (F)
  • Madeira (P)
  • Ruse (BG)
  • Tampere (FIN)
  • Tirana (AL)
  • Wallonie (B)
  • Wielkopoksla (PL)

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Background paper: EU Cohesion policy 2014-2020

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Common Strategic Framework: what is at stake for European Regions?

In October 2011, the draft regulation laying down common provisions on the 5 funds covered by the Common Strategic Framework was published. Overall aim of the regulation: Provide for an integrated use of of these 5 funds to deliver common objectives derived from Europe 2020.

The Common Strategic Framework (CSF) is the document, translating the objectives and targets of Europe 2020 into actions for 5 funds (ERDF, the ESF, the Cohesion fund, the EAFRD , the EMFF
), streamlining and integrating these funds into one common strategy. A first working paper, outlining the content of the CSF was published by the European Commission on 14th March2012.

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